What are the positive consequences of racial and ethnic categories
The Positive And Effects Of Ethnicity
Feb 03, · A meta-analyses of 46 studies reviewing ethnic-racial affect has found that the more positively minority youth feel about their ethnicity or race, the fewer symptoms of depression and behavior. What are the positive consequences of racial and ethnic categories? population transfer In the early nineteenth century, Native Americans, who had survived clashes with the U.S. army, were forcibly removed to reservations.
Prev Consequwnces Dis ; The Consequencea for Disease Control and Prevention CDC plays plsitive key role in tracking data on the burden of obesity and its related racial and ethnic disparities to provide information that can highlight areas where state and local actions are most needed.
Until further innovations allow for measured data on height and weight to be available for all states, self-reported data are the best source for rcaial where the burden of obesity is highest among different populations. This understanding is critical given that the prevalence of obesity is increasing among adults in the United States how to make big butterfly wings. As such, obesity continues to put a strain on overall health status, health care costs, gacial, and the capacity for deployment and readiness of military personnel.
Anv with obesity often have multiple-organ system complications from the condition and, as a result, are more at risk fo heart disease, stroke, categoroes 2 diabetes, and multiple types of cancers 2. Adult obesity also increases the risk of workplace injuries 2. Obesity among how to boot from harddrive adults cnsequences the eligibility for many to serve in our military, given the weight standards for recruitment that nearly 1 in 4 young adults are not able to meet 5.
Among many other factors, the risk clnsequences adult obesity is greater among adults who had obesity as children, and what does amendment 1 state and ethnic disparities exist ehtnic the age of 2 6.
As sectors come together to reduce the obesity epidemic, we are aware how challenging success will be due to factors such as 1 the contributing risk factors of genetic and biological attributes; 2 individual behaviors parenting styles, dietary patterns, physical activity levels, medication use, sleep, stress management ; and 3 community and societal factors that influence individual, family, and collective access to healthy, affordable foods and beverages; access to safe and convenient places for physical activity; and exposure to the marketing of unhealthy products 2.
These maps have shown the growing epidemic that has affected our nation from coast to coast. Although the data collection methods changed inwhich somewhat limits our ability to assess trends, the data continue to show that obesity prevalence among adults remains high across the country Figure 1.
The state-specific prevalence ranges from a low of Figure 1. Obesity was defined as a body mass index of 30 or higher based on self-reported weight in kilograms divided by the square of the height in meters.
These estimates should not be compared to prevalence estimates before Although the previously released overall state-specific maps demonstrate where obesity may be influencing health, health care costs, well-being, and productivity across states and regions, the racial and ethnic maps for through illustrate that the negative effects are disproportionately burdensome for particular populations.
We chose this cut point because it was a somewhat natural breaking point in the data and roughly reflected areas with the highest burden. Figure 2. Prevalence of self-reported obesity among non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, and Hispanic adults, by state and territory, Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, — Although ghe exact hte of these differences in obesity are not all known, they likely in part reflect differences in social and economic advantage related to race or ethnicity Underlying risks that may help explain disparities in obesity prevalence among non-Hispanic black and the Hispanic populations could include lower high school graduation rates, higher rates of unemployment, higher levels of possitive insecurity, greater access to poor quality foods, less access to convenient places for physical activity, targeted marketing of unhealthy foods, and poor access to health care or referrals to convenient community organizations that aid family-management or self-management resources 14— From a large number of high-quality applicants, in DNPAO competitively funded 16 state health departments or a similar entity15 land grant colleges and universities, and 31 community-focused grantees to work over the course of 5 consequenes with multiple sectors and coalitions to prioritize and comsequences best practices to increase healthy eating and active living to prevent obesity and other chronic diseases.
With technical assistance from DNPAO public health specialists and subject matter experts, grantees use a menu of evidence-based strategies and performance metrics to develop their implementation plan, work plan, and evaluation process. To obtain the largest public health impact from limited resources, grantees are asked to focus their work on populations that have the greatest disparities and needs.
Strategies for DNPAO grantees include establishing healthy nutrition standards in settings such as workplaces, hospitals, early care and education ECEafter-school and recreational programs, and faith-based organizations; working with food vendors, distributors, and producers to increase procurement and sales of healthier foods; improving programs and systems at the state and local level to increase access to healthier food; and implementing community planning and transportation plans that support safe and accessible physical activity by connecting sidewalks, paths, bike routes, public transit with homes, ECE, schools, parks and recreation centers, and other everyday destinations.
As an example of reaching vulnerable individuals, state health department grantees may focus obesity prevention efforts at a state level by targeting early obesity risk through system changes in the Cohsequences setting through state licensing, state subsidy, or state quality rating systems.
States may pair these efforts with positiev the use of food reimbursement programs for meals that meet minimum nutritional standards among centers serving low-income children. In addition, state health departments may work to set a standard for implementation of food service guidelines so other government entities, work sites, park and what does a queen stink bug look like centers, and hospitals can follow that example and obtain the needed technical assistance for spreading implementation.
State health department grantees may also work across sectors such as the transportation and community planners to improve environmental supports for physical activity through the implementation of master plans and land-use interventions.
These efforts to increase access to safe and convenient places for physical activity are generally targeted to geographical areas with the highest etgnic of obesity and chronic disease. Such efforts can include connecting neighborhoods with sidewalks, paths, bike routes, and public transit that lead to local schools, parks and recreation centers, and local businesses. DNPAO manages age additional public health practice programs that have had success in reducing the risk factors categorjes obesity in populations with the greatest disparities.
The REACH program focuses on improving health for racial and ethnic groups with the highest disease burden. For example, from through14 REACH grantees implemented strategies to address disparities in obesity among black populations.
These strategies included expanding healthy food choices in grocery stores, creating neighborhood farmers markets, implementing Complete Street policies, and improving consequence and safety of neighborhood streets.
The prevalence of obesity decreased about 1 percentage point in these REACH communities, but not in the comparison populations during the xre time These grantees work in predominantly rural areas where residents may have less access to healthy foods and fewer opportunities to be physically etunic, which may increase their risk of obesity 19— HOP grantees use the same menu of DNPAO evidence-based how to do call conference on iphone to improve nutrition and physical activity to reduce obesity and other chronic diseases; however, they might tailor their implementation plan given the rural nature of their target population with the highest risk cosnequences obesity.
Since the creation of this market, more than community members purchased over 12, pounds of fresh fruits and vegetables. Another example is the work of the extension staff in Ouachita Conseauences University of Arkansas at a low-income housing complex to improve access to physical activity for residents with limited mobility. They identified a walking path and developed signs to indicate how many laps equaled a half-mile.
Eighty-four percent of residents now walk regularly and use the path at least 1 or 2 times a week Implementing approaches that take into account racial and ethnic disparities is critical to addressing the high burden of obesity and its many negative consequences. Although a population-based approach is needed to increase availability and access to healthy foods and beverages and safe and convenient places for physical activity for all Americans, targeted approaches are needed to address the risks that drive the disparities.
Such an plsitive will mean taking into account food insecurity, safe drinking water, and cultural nutrition and physical activity patterns as well as environmental and policy contexts that influence the risk. Efforts may need to include more attention to upstream determinants of health or attributes of the communities where the populations with the highest burden live. For example, a study of neighborhoods in 3 US metropolitan regions San Diego, Seattle, and Baltimore from to assessed pedestrian environment features for walkability how to install bar end shifters eg, density.
For individuals from the groups with the largest disparities, it is also important to focus attention on enhancing access to and reimbursement for quality arre care services for growth assessment and obesity screening, and rzcial persons with obesity and disease risk, appropriate referral to evidence-based healthy weight or prediabetes management programs and other treatment modalities 25, In addition to public health, many partners are needed, including policy makers, state and local organizations, business and community leaders, What is the difference from lcd and led tvs, schools, industry, federal agencies, health care systems and providers, payers, faith-based organizations, community planners, food growers and distributors, families, and individuals.
Using combined approaches, these partners should strive to best improve the ability to prevent obesity and its consequences for those with the burden. Such multisector partnerships can create positive changes at the community level to promote healthy eating and active living in areas where individuals lf be at risk for obesity because of where they live and work.
These focus areas could include making it easier for families with sre to buy healthy, affordable foods and beverages near their homes; helping to provide access to safe, free drinking water in places such as community parks, recreation areas, child care centers, and caategories helping local schools open up gyms, playgrounds, and sports fields during how to make garlic parmesan sauce for chicken hours so more children can powitive play; increasing the number of safe and accessible sidewalks posiitve bike paths to schools, parks and everyday destinations; and helping schools and ECE providers use best practices for improving nutrition and increasing physical activity.
DNPAO is committed to supporting efforts to reduce racial and ethnic disparities in obesity by continuing to share what is working through partners and grantees, to develop tools that aid community engagement and conseuences implementation of evidenced-based interventions, and etgnic track obesity and its risk factors.
Each sector and organization has a role to play in being part of the solution. To reduce the current disparities that exist in the burden of obesity, all parts of society need to relentlessly and intentionally work to address the causes of these disparities to help give all a fair chance at health.
Posihive financial support was received for this work. The findings and conclusions of this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position of CDC. Telephone: Email: rpetersen cdc. The opinions expressed by authors contributing to this journal do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the U. Skip directly hhe site content Skip directly to page options Skip directly to A-Z link. Preventing Chronic Disease. Section Navigation.
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Ethnicity And Its Impact On Development Essay
Feb 11, · Studies reporting data on percent positive included people of all ages. These studies analyzed race and ethnicity differently; three studies analyzed the variables separately (racial categories could be Hispanic or Latino or non-Hispanic), and two studies analyzed the variables in a single variable (racial categories were non-Hispanic). Ethnicity can be seen in the many literary texts read in this class. Ethnicity can affect the identity of individuals in a positive and negative way, but can also show us a better understanding of multiculturalism in the United States. Each of the non-fiction texts is unique in their own ways of expressing ethnicity by the ways of the characters. Race is a socially constructed category that produces real effects on the actors who are racialized  and refers to physical differences that a particular society considers significant, such as skin color. In other words, a physical marker such as skin color, eye shape, hair type, or cheekbone shape, when paired with some other element(s) of.
A previous version of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the Eastern Sociological Society.
The authors appreciate the contributions of several reviewers to the improvement of this study. John R. This study uses national survey data in federal election years from through to examine voter registration and voting. It contradicts the expectation from an assimilation perspective that low levels of Latino participation are partly attributable to the large share of immigrants among Latinos.
In fact net differences show higher average Latino participation than previously reported. The study focuses especially on contextual factors that could affect collective responses of group members. Moving beyond past research, significant effects are found for the group's representation among office holders, voting regulations and state policies related to treatment of immigrants.
Abundant research demonstrates the effects of personal background characteristics on political participation, such as age, education and residential stability. This research focuses instead on how group membership, defined by race, ethnicity and nativity, structures political participation above and beyond such personal characteristics. This design allows us not only to identify persistent group differences but also to document the unexpected high level of participation for Latino immigrants, after controlling for other factors.
Studies of political participation at the individual level suggest that political participation is associated with individual resources of time, political experience and money Verba et al. Scholars have found that people who are locally rooted are more likely to participate Putnam , as measured through indicators such as older age, residential stability and marriage Bueker ; Highton ; Ramakrishnan and Espenshade ; Rosenstone and Hansen ; Timpone ; Wolfinger and Wolfinger Many efforts have been made to explain overall group differences in participation — especially lower participation by Latinos and Asians — in terms of compositional differences on these dimensions Antunes and Gaitz ; Leighley ; Martinez ; Ramakrishnan ; Ramakrishnan and Espenshade ; Uhlaner, Cain and Kiewet Citrin and Highton argue that low Latino voting in California can be accounted for by Latinos' lower citizenship rate, relative youth and lower socioeconomic status.
But researchers have been particularly hard-pressed to come up with explanations for why, given their more favorable socioeconomic position, Asian-Americans' turnout at the polls is relatively low Citrin and Highton ; Verba, Schlozman and Brady Asians have higher-than-average resources and they appear to be strongly rooted.
From the perspective of assimilation theory Alba and Nee , a likely suspect is recent immigration. But the second and later generations of group members should progressively participate on a more equal footing in key institutions, including politics Skerry Some researchers report that foreign-born persons are less likely to vote than persons in the second generation Cho ; DeSipio But there is also contradictory evidence Lien In fact it has been suggested that immigrants who choose to become citizens are more likely than natives to participate in the political process Barreto et al.
Others show that only for Asians is participation increasing in successive generations. By contrast, there is a decline across generations among Latinos. And among whites, the 2 nd generation is more likely to vote than the first or third generation Lien ; Ramakrishnan and Espenshade ; Ramakrishnan Our approach to racial and ethnic differences is to focus on collective factors that could account for them.
Collective conditions could either depress or enhance participation. The political environment may be perceived as discouraging or even threatening see Pantoja, Ramirez and Segura on the threat perceived by Latinos in California in the mids. Obstacles to voting by blacks continue to stimulate litigation and policy debate.
Yet blacks have been found to have distinctively high rates of voting, overcoming deficits in socioeconomic and other resources Tate , This phenomenon has been attributed to group consciousness and mobilizing institutions specific to black communities such as the black church Harris ; Brown and Brown and civil rights organizations Antunes and Gaitz Washington found that black candidates for the House of Representatives had a positive impact on black voting, but a countervailing increase in white turnout voting against the black candidates.
Pantoja and Segura also found support for this hypothesis, showing that greater numbers of Latino legislators slightly decreased political alienation among Latinos in California and Texas. We test whether political representation affects registration and voting not only for blacks but also for Latinos and Asians.
We consider for the first time at the national level two other aspects of the political environment that are particularly likely to affect Latinos and Asians. One is general public attitudes toward immigrants. Van Hook, Brown and Bean found higher rates of naturalization in more welcoming states. We expect similar effects for voting. A second factor is state restrictions on immigrants' access to welfare services.
Van Hook showed that immigrants were more likely to naturalize in states with more restrictive policies, suggesting an instrumental effort to gain better access to services. A parallel effect could be to promote registration and voting. The historical black experience with discriminatory voting policies calls attention to other dimensions of the group context of participation. First, participation could be enhanced by voting rights legislation.
Existing studies have yielded mixed results. Jones-Correa reported that Asians and Latinos were more likely to vote in states that offer bilingual voting and registration materials.
By contrast, Ramaskrishnan and Espenshade found that minority rights provisions did not significantly affect voting among immigrant Latinos. We examine three kinds of rules. One question is how long before an election a person must register in order to vote. Jones-Correa found no significant impact, but Burden et al. A second question is provision for absentee voting. Ramakrishnan and Espenshade and Jones-Correa both found that restrictions on absentee voting decrease turnout, while allowing people to vote by mail increases turnout.
But Burden et al. Recently a third type of regulation has become prominent in policy debates: requirements to show identification prior to voting. Provisions for photo identification are spreading.
One study found that strict voter identification requirements depressed voting turnout in , and that this effect was especially pronounced for minority voters Eagleton Institute ; Burden et al. We rely on the Current Population Survey in the years , , , and In these years the November survey included a voting and registration supplement.
It also recorded the nativity and citizenship status of respondents, facilitating generational comparisons. The CPS also records geographic location; the smallest identifiable geographical unit of residence is the Metropolitan Statistical Area. For this study, contextual variables constructed from the U. The MSA definitions used in the CPS data differ from prior years; we have recoded these to correspond as closely as possible to the definitions in earlier CPS years and in the U.
Table 1 provides a summary of variable definitions from all data sources. The outcome variables are self reports of voting or being registered for the November election in a given year.
The wording of these questions is designed to diminish stigma associated with non-voting or non-registration Bueker Other studies employing validated data cited by Ramakrishnan found no significant differences by nativity or generation in the reliability of self-reported voting. Race and ethnicity are represented by four broad categories constructed from the CPS race and Hispanic origin questions.
Respondents were not given the option to select multiple race categories except in the CPS. There is a separate question about Hispanic origin or descent. Information from the CPS and U. Census used in constructing contextual variables was recoded to match these categories as closely as possible. We also use information about birthplace and parental birthplace to measure generations. Those born outside of the United States are 1 st generation. Those born in the United States with at least one parent born outside of the country are classified as members of the 2 nd generation.
Table 2 provides a starting point for the analysis based on our pooled sample of citizens ages 18 and older. This gap is due mainly to differences in voter registration points , with an additional deficit in voting by Latino registered voters points less than other groups. The table shows that Asian immigrants and children of immigrants were points less likely to vote than those in later generations.
The opposite effect is found among Latinos, whose foreign-born citizens had modestly higher voting turnout due to greater likelihood that registered voters actually vote. This finding is a first example of effects that turn out to be contingent on group membership. Notes: N reported here is total count of those who responded to voting turnout question, summed across years.
We elaborate on these initial findings in multivariate analyses where registration and voting are treated in turn as dependent variables. Surprisingly, one key result is to upend the expected hierarchy of group participation, placing first-generation Latinos above non-Hispanic whites. We then estimate separate models for each group, adding variables representing important elements of their context of participation. Our intention is two-fold: demonstrating the importance of contextual conditions and showing which of their effects are group-specific.
The multivariate models include several indicators of resources and rootedness listed in Table 1. Demographic variables include age, marital status, number of children under 18 in the household, gender and residential mobility years at the current address. Note that, because education is reported only for persons ages 25 and above, the age category of must be interpreted both as a category of age and as an indicator of persons without a reported education.
All indicators of greater resources and rootedness higher education and income, home ownership, older age, being married, female and having kids are hypothesized to lead to increased political participation. To examine the assimilation hypothesis we constructed three categories of generation in the United States. Another related indicator is linguistic isolation. This is the only language measure available in the November CPS, and it indicates whether a person lives in a household where only Spanish is spoken.
We used this household variable in our models for Latinos, based on the assimilation hypothesis that linguistic isolation would reduce participation. A weakness of the CPS for our purpose is the lack of explicit indicators of group consciousness or other relevant attitudes. We therefore turn to other sources to create variables that reflect various aspects of the context of participation.
We use U. Census data to capture key information about demographic context at the level of the metropolitan region. The metropolitan variable reported here is the ratio of the median household income of each racial group in the MSA to the median income of households headed by non-Hispanic whites. This is a measure of relative affluence or poverty that could show whether net of their own socioeconomic standing members of relatively poorer groups would participate less.
Measures of political context were drawn from a variety of sources. The test of the empowerment thesis for Latinos, Asians and blacks is based on office holding at the level of metropolitan regions.
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